Best Case Scenario – Prophecy

Chat GPT 5 just announced its arrival so i asked it to do this – list practical steps for the next five years to dismantle billionaire power, and redistribute wealth more equally to all people.

The idea is to ensure peace and stability in civilization by reducing desperation. By giving everyone the right to live with basic food, water, shelter, and some happiness they are less likely to harm anything in that system, and more likely to contribute to it. This is a basic scod utopian prophecy, than can be used for spiritual ethics philosophy and inspiration in planning by anyone. 5 years was used as a preferred alternative, to balance the scod prophecy about dystopian events increasing. There are some SCOD edits to what the Ai came up with, but it covered many of the important issues. It also assumes that there would somehow be enough uncorrupted people willing to deal with establishment power. The issue of what to do with all the criminals in power is not dealt with here. So plans like this would be best case, but of course the billionaires in charge wont do what needs to be done; but it does not mean we should not try to make things better.

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Here’s a 5-year, step-by-step playbook that a national government (with regional/municipal partners) could actually execute. It aims to reduce outsized billionaire power while expanding broad-based security—food, water, shelter, and a little joy—so people are safer and more able to contribute.

Year 1: Win transparency, stop the easiest leakages, build delivery rails

• Close tax-haven escape hatches + publish beneficial ownership. Join/strengthen the OECD 15% global minimum corporate tax (Pillar Two), and pass public country-by-country reporting and a real-time beneficial-owner registry; create a dedicated enforcement unit to audit profit-shifting and ultra-high-net-worth offshore schemes. OECDA&O ShearmanGabriel Zucman | Professor of economicsIMF
• Launch universal basic needs pilots at scale. Start a national network of guaranteed-income pilots ($250–$750/mo) focused on households below median income; standardize evaluation methods and open data sharing. Early U.S. evidence (e.g., Stockton SEED) shows higher employment and financial stability—use this to design national rollout. PMCSEED
• Housing First now. Fund rapid acquisition/lease-to-public of vacant units + supportive services; make “shelter first, sobriety optional” the default. RCTs show faster exits from homelessness and better housing stability. PMCNational Low Income Housing Coalition
• Public campaign-finance in time for the next cycle. Adopt small-donor matching and spending caps; it measurably shifts power away from large donors. New York City Campaign Finance BoardBrennan Center for Justice

Year 2: Rebalance market power and worker power

• Antitrust with teeth + digital gatekeeper rules. Resource competition authorities, set presumptions against mega-mergers in concentrated markets, and enforce “gatekeeper” obligations (interoperability, anti-self-preferencing) modeled on the EU’s DMA enforcement trend. European CommissionReutersAmerican Bar Association
• Codify worker power & ownership. Enable sectoral bargaining; offer tax credits and financing to convert viable firms to employee ownership/co-ops; give workers board seats above a size threshold. (Employee-ownership and codetermination are well-trodden in many economies; pair with responsible-exit funds for owners.)

Year 3: Tax fairly at the top; give everyone basics

• Wealth-tax and inheritance-tax reform. Introduce a modest, progressive annual wealth tax on net wealth above, say, $50M, paired with stronger estate/inheritance taxes and exit taxes, plus robust valuation/audit capacity. The Saez–Zucman framework is a technical starting point. Gabriel Zucman | Professor of economicsEconometrics Laboratory
• Scale guaranteed income & essentials. Expand guaranteed income to all adults under a national floor where local costs are high; pair with automatic enrollment for SNAP-like food, water-bill credits, and transit passes. (Use results from Y1 pilots to fine-tune targeting or universality.) PMCSEED
• Permanent Housing First pipeline. Annual targets to add supportive units via build/acquire/convert; make eviction prevention (right to counsel + arrears funds) standard. National Low Income Housing Coalition

Year 4: Make finance serve the public mission

• Stand up public banking options. Charter state/municipal public banks (treasury back-end + local CDFI front-end) to finance social housing, co-ops, and green infrastructure; North Dakota’s century-old model is a template to localize. The BND StoryVox
• Land value capture for housing & transit. Shift property taxation toward land value; dedicate proceeds to social/affordable housing and transit operations. (This curbs land speculation and funds basics without punishing productive investment.)

Year 5: Lock in durability and global coordination

• Constitutional/organic-law guardrails. Protect public financing, beneficial-owner transparency, antitrust budgets, and independent tax enforcement from easy repeal; require supermajorities for rollbacks.
• International tax and enforcement compacts. Join information-sharing treaties; automatic exchange of financial account data; minimum standards for platform/app-store neutrality across borders. OECDA&O Shearman
• Sunset reviews with evidence. Mandate 5-year independent evaluations (poverty, inequality, business formation, employment, health, crime). Keep what works; adjust what doesn’t.

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Immediate Implementation Plan (start Day 1)

• Data & delivery: Create a “basic needs” digital account for every resident that can receive cash transfers, housing vouchers, water/energy credits, and transit benefits; enable instant payments and open-data dashboards (privacy-preserving).
• Revenue blend: Pair wealth/estate reform with the 15% global minimum corporate tax, broader tax-gap enforcement on the top 0.1%, land-value taxes, and luxury/pollution charges to stabilize funding. (A significant share of hidden wealth and unpaid liabilities sits at the very top.) Gabriel Zucman | Professor of economicsIMF
• Economic dynamism: Earmark a slice of new revenue for small-business credit, worker-ownership transitions, and R&D prizes to ensure redistribution complements innovation and entrepreneurship.
• Rights floor: Codify a legal right to basic food, water, shelter, and essential utilities (with due-process protections) to reduce desperation and downstream public costs.

Why this mix works

• It shrinks outsized private leverage (via tax/transparency/antitrust/campaign-finance).
• It broadens security and participation (guaranteed income, Housing First, worker ownership).
• It keeps markets dynamic (public options + fair rules rather than heavy-handed micromanagement).

If you want, I can adapt this roadmap to a specific country/state and attach draft bill outlines, agency org charts, and a budget score.

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Ok now lets get more serious and realistic. Assuming that most of the wars and draining of working class generational wealth has been done by white collar criminals, due to corruption problems like fines being used as bribes in major stock market cases of fraud and manipulation to rig things for the richest criminals; list steps that would be required to reduce corruption in the judicial branch (which affects the stock market), executive branch, and congressional (legislative) branch.

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Here’s a clean, practical checklist aimed at reducing corruption risk across the judiciary, executive branch, and Congress—plus a few cross-cutting fixes that directly touch the stock market and white-collar enforcement.

Judiciary Reforms (federal courts & Supreme Court)

1. Make the SCOTUS ethics code enforceable. Congress should require a binding code with an independent investigatory process, public findings, and remedies (recusal, reprimand, referral). Today’s code exists but has no external enforcement mechanism. Supreme CourtCongress.govCBS News
2. Bright-line recusal & disclosure rules. Mandatory written recusal decisions; disclose gift, travel, and amicus funding in real time; ban ownership of individual stocks by all Article III judges and justices. (Multiple bills already propose these features.) Congress.govAlliance for Justice
3. Stop judge-shopping. Lock in random assignment for cases seeking nationwide or statewide relief (to curb hand-picking sympathetic judges); the Judicial Conference moved this way in 2024—now codify it. United States CourtsFederal Bar AssociationBrennan Center for Justice
4. Stronger disciplinary backstops. Create a panel of senior judges to review misconduct at the Supreme Court level (where the ordinary judicial misconduct statute doesn’t clearly reach), and grant the Review Panel the power to fire, fine, and jail Supreme Court judges. Public reports and timelines for action. iaals.du.edu

Executive Reforms (presidents and agencies)

5. True conflict-free leadership. Create national rotating citizen Review Panel for agencies created by executive orders, with the power to fire, dissolve, fine, and jail. Communities can pick their own representatives to send to serve on the panel, rotationally for short periods. Require qualified blind trusts (certified by OGE) for senior officials and appointees with market exposure; expand public, machine-readable financial disclosures and preclearance for any outside income. Office of Government Ethics+1eCFR
6. Reinforce watchdogs. Generously pay Presidential Review Panel members, so that panel service is not volunteer sacrifice and members are not easy to bribe. Give Inspectors General guaranteed budgets/tenure and fast-track court access if agencies stonewall; publish closure memos for declined cases (with redactions) to deter favoritism. U.S. Government Accountability Office
7. Tighten the revolving door. Reduce corporate and foreign lobbying (influence) at a minimum with strict laws against corruption. Extend cooling-off periods and widen lobbying/consulting definitions (no “shadow lobbying” via “strategic advice”). Require public meeting logs with covered entities for top officials. eCFR
8. Upgrade white-collar enforcement incentives.
   • Make individual accountability primary: tie corporate settlement credits to clawbacks from culpable execs; prioritize officer/director bars.
   • Expand admissions of wrongdoing in settlements in egregious cases so markets can price risk and private suits can proceed efficiently (ending the default “neither admit nor deny” norm as the baseline). Iowa Law ReviewKirkland & EllisWinston & Strawn
   • Laws requiring transparency and disclosure of transaction records (blue sheets), criminal communications, and any evidence of possible conspiracy crimes being claimed in suits.

Congress Reforms

9. Ban individual-stock trading by members, spouses, and dependents. Require divestiture or OGE-certified blind trusts; enforce with meaningful civil fines and automatic ethics referrals. Momentum is rising; lock it into law. Senator Mark KellyPoliticoBusiness Insider
10. No profiteering through the back door.
    • Extend and enforce longer post-service lobbying bans (and define “lobbying” broadly).
    • Bar paid corporate boards and advisory gigs during service.
    • Strengthen the STOCK Act: automatic penalties for late reports; API-first trade disclosures within 7 days. gluesenkampperez.house.govCampaign Legal Center
11. De-dark the money. Pass real-time, ultimate-donor disclosure (close pass-through “dark money”); tighten anti-coordination rules between candidates and Super PACs; expand small-donor public matching to dilute big-donor leverage. (Multiple CRS tracks show viable bill paths.) Congress.gov

Stock-market Integrity & Criminal deterrence

12. Fix the SEC/DOJ toolbox post-Jarkesy. After the Supreme Court held that civil-penalty fraud cases need jury trials, Congress should:
    • Fund more Article III enforcement capacity;
    • Clarify when agencies can still use in-house processes (e.g., non-penalty remedies);
    • Raise maximum civil penalties and streamline venue to avoid endless delays. SCOTUSblogReuters
13. Restore anti-corruption reach post-Snyder. The Court limited 18 U.S.C. §666 to quid-pro-quo bribes (not gratuities). Congress should add a targeted “gratuities” provision for state/local officials receiving federal funds, with clear intent elements, to close the gap. Supreme CourtSkadden
14. Make penalties bite the right people.
    • Ban insurance/indemnification for willful fraud penalties;
    • Bring back RICO cases with backing from every branch and agency, with powers to take down billionaires and their oligarchical companies.
    • Require executive clawbacks on misconduct (aligning with the SEC’s listing-standard clawback regime);
    • Expand disgorgement authority and statutes of limitation where Congress has already acted. Iowa Law Review
15. No more “pay to play” opacity. Shore up beneficial-ownership transparency (CTA successor or fix) with constitutional grounding and narrow tailoring, after the nationwide injunction paused FinCEN’s 2024 rules. Tie market participation (e.g., opening brokerage/corporate accounts) to verified ownership. SkaddenMayer BrownHolland & Knight

Process & Enforcement Architecture

16. Independent enforcement budgets. Give SEC, CFTC, and IGs multi-year funding insulated from annual retaliation; publish enforcement dashboards that map referrals to outcomes so patterns of favoritism are visible. U.S. Government Accountability Office
17. Case-assignment integrity beyond the courts. Randomize and publicly log agency case assignments (e.g., which regional office or ALJ equivalent handles what) to prevent internal forum shopping—even as more cases move to Article III courts. Patterson Belknap Webb & Tyler
18. Whistleblower superhighway. Expand awards, anti-retaliation presumptions, and fast-track anonymity across SEC/CFTC/DOJ/IGs; require agencies to publicly report how whistleblower tips change outcomes. This is critical for a government to hold itself accountable.

Why this matters for everyday people

• Cleaner incentives (clawbacks, admissions, real-time transparency) make it costlier to rig markets and harder to hide it—so fewer blowups siphon off pensions and savings. Iowa Law Review
• Conflict-free decision-makers (judges, officials, lawmakers) reduce the odds that policy is quietly bent toward insiders. Congress.gov
• Credible anti-corruption coverage (fixes post-Jarkesy & Snyder; stronger ownership transparency) restores deterrence where courts narrowed it, without chilling legitimate activity. SCOTUSblogSupreme Court
• Currently the public and private punishment of whistleblowers who seriously threaten corrupt power, has made it less likely that law enforcement can police itself against corruption, and therefore have not been able to expose high level crimes in other institutions like military branches, or civilian agencies, or public representatives.

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